"The Cousins' War," Kevin Phillips, Basic Books, 1999, pp. 378 "...most Northern goods were cheaper [than European goods - ed.] in Mobile or Chattanooga only because of high U.S. tariffs on rival foreign manufacturers. These tariffs, which financed 85 to 90 percent of the operations of the federal government, directly and indirectly fell most heavily on agricultural districts, principally in the South and West. Economists have a phrase for this: internal colonialism."

"The Cousins' War," Kevin Phillips, Basic Books, 1999, pp. 387 "Yankees themselves had been insistent on the right of a state to leave the Union as late as 1815, which kept them relatively mute on the subject during the 1820s and 1830s. By the 1850s, a new crop of Greater New England leaders too young to remember the Hartford Convention entertained no doubt: States could not be allowed to leave. The hypocrisy was widely noted below the Mason-Dixon line."

"Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War," Eric Foner, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 84 "..By 1860, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and Oregon had all prohibited Negroes from entering their boundaries. Congressman David Wilmot, the Pennsylvanian, whose name lives on with the Wilmot Proviso to bar slavery in any territories taken from Mexico, made no bones about white-supremacist motivations: Far from any 'squeamish sensitiveness on the subject of slavery, (or) morbid sympathy...I plead the cause of the free white man." He urged that the West must be reserved for whites because 'the negro race already occupies enough of this fair continent.'"

"The Cousins' War," Kevin Phillips, Basic Books, 1999, pp. 453 "Compared with the weak or lackadaisical approach of the British Crown in putting down rebellion in 1642 and 1775, the Republican government of the United States was fast off the mark in 1861 -- and just as fast to suspend democratic procedures....In Maryland, which had to choose a governor and a legislature in November, 1861, federal troops were used to prohibit voting by anyone who sympathized with the South."

"The Cousins' War," Kevin Phillips, Basic Books, 1999, pp. 454 "Confederate flags were flown in San Jose, Visalia, Stockton, and a number of mining towns and pro-southern sentiment was so strong in Los Angeles and San Bernardino that northern California cavalry and infantry units had to be moved into the area to guard against and Confederate force coming from Texas and New Mexico (Tucson, for example, sent a delegate to the Confederate Congress)."

"Battle Cry of Freedom," James McPherson, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 859-860 "The national political dominance of Southerner, in turn, ended in 1861 and never recovered until the 1930s. Between 1789 and 1861, slave-owners from a future Confederate state had occupied the presidency for forty-nine years out of seventy-two. But a century would pass after 1865 before a resident of an ex-Confederate state could win the office again. So, too, with the Supreme Court, the House Speakership, and the Presidency Pro Tem of the Senate. Half to two-thirds of the justices, speakers, and Senate presidents before 1861 had come from the South. For the next fifty years, not one speaker or Senate president would come from the former Confederacy and just five of the twenty-six Supreme Court justices."

"Missouri Under Radical Rule" (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1965), pp.252 "In 1860, New Yorkers defeated black enfranchisement in a statewide referendum, and between 1865 and 1870, when the Fifteenth Amendment secured black voting rights, a total of seven Northern states rejected what northern representatives in Washington were trying to impose below the Mason-Dixon line. In 1867 alone, four northern states -- Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, and Ohio -- turned down popular referenda submitting constitutional amendments to enfranchise blacks."

"Between Two Fires," Laurence M. Hauptman (New York: Free Press, 1995), pp. 87-102 and 103-122. "The eastern band of Cherokee...played an important role as Confederate rangers in the wartime Smoky Mountains. The Catawbas, who had served white South Carolinians in the eighteenth-century wars with the French and Cherokee and then thrived as trackers of runaway slaves, were quick to join to join the South Carolina volunteer regiments in 1861, and the nineteen who served are commemorated by a monument in Fort Mill, South Carolina."

"History of the American Economic System," Richard Russell, (New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1964), pp. 273-274 "In the wake of wartime devastation, moreover, southern taxpayers had to help pay the interest and principal on the $2.5 billion federal debt taken on by the North to beat the South, although nearly all of the bond payments went to Northerners. Taxpayers below the Mason-Dixon line also had to help support the huge cost of pensions to federal veterans and their widows and dependents, though no such pensions were paid to Confederate veterans. Such disbursements, obviously, were spent in the North. In these various ways, according to economic historian Robert Russell, Southerners paid approximately $1.2 billion to the rest of the Union over a period of a half century -- more than the indemnity Prussia levied on France after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871."

Report of the National Emergency Council (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937). "Eight decades after the end of Reconstruction, the National Emergency Council created to examine the Depression of the 1930s reported its findings to President Franklin D. Roosevelt: The South, it said, had been reduced to the status of a colony."

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